Kissinger - The Book by Gary Allen

KISSINGER

THE BOOK BY GARY ALLEN

1976

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES: (I hope you read this. I believe it is important) Upon hearing that Henry Kissinger had been brought out of mothballs and was selected to head a committee to 'investigate' the events surrounding the World Trade Center fiasco on September 11, 2001, Chuck pulled this book off a shelf and handed it to me with a slightly mischievous smile. My new reading 'assignment'. . . and he knew the other partially-finished books would be laid aside to delve into Gary Allen's 1976 expose' on the Super Kraut (one of several terms of endearment lovingly used then by the slavering media moguls and his entourage).

What Chuck didn't know (nor did I) is that everything else would be put aside to transcribe the out-of-print book so you can read it too -- on the sweetliberty.org website. Barely into the third chapter I became aware of the treasure that it was then, and most certainly is now! It goes way beyond the man Kissinger, and takes us into the wheelings and dealings of the son-of-a-rabbi/Communist/KGB /Rockefeller/CFR/ agent Kissinger.

That this old man has been pushed in our faces once again -- the fox assigned to guard the hen house so to speak -- bears the signature of the Zionist Jews controlling all facets of the U.S. Government, including the U.S. military machine. I think they like to have their jokes on us, because we all know that any investigation, no matter who they choose, is only going to "turn up" evidence allowable by them.

Having been written over a quarter of a century ago, in Gary Allen's book we get to see some of the behind-the-scenes dealings -- dealt from a stacked deck -- by agent Kissinger that furthered the destruction of the U.S. and its allies. That destruction began in earnest during the War of Northern Aggression (Civil War), the 'reconstruction' period after that war, the U.S. entry into WWI, WWII, Korea, and into the Viet Nam / Kissinger era.

This book details the Kissinger era -- which actually began during the Kennedy Administration -- during which that one, very powerful individual (with a lot of help from his Rockefeller/CFR/Zionist masters) laid the groundwork for:

the disarmament of America,

Communist-control in Viet Nam,

resumed relations with the Soviet/Communist controlled Cuba (90 miles from our shores).

the present threat from Communist China,

the Communizing of Latin and South America and Africa,

the Panama Canal give-away to a then-Communist Panamanian president (on our southern borders),

and the present-day chaos in and from the Middle East (including $ billions for Israel) all of which we're experiencing today in the death throws of a nation we call 'America', It is obvious now that there is a vast difference between what we know and love as America, and the foreign entity in Washington, D.C.: the U.S. Government. . . Inc.

The disarmament of America was a result of the SALT agreements with the Soviet Union, and the passage of the Arms Control and Disarmament Act by the U.S. Congress, while the Soviet Union, Red China and Israel continued to strengthen their nuclear arsenals. We stand today weakened from within.

All of Heinz A. Kissinger's manipulations were carried out in the name of detente. Detente: a lessening of tensions; especially internationally. (Webster's 21st Century Dictionary - 1993 edition).

We also discover here that Richard Nixon had had enough of Kissinger's treasonous deals, began making decisions without Henry the Knife, intended to send him packing back to Harvard and instead. . . Watergate was served up to us as the "betrayal of a President". So, rather than Kissinger being ousted, it was Mr. Nixon. . . maybe not the scoundrel we were led to believe he was, or maybe having had a change of heart as to where his allegiance stood.

I wondered why they didn't follow suit with Nixon and just assassinate him, as they've done over the decades and centuries to any president or private individual who becomes too much of a nuisance. Instead, Kissinger cooked up the scheme that destroyed his reputation (actually ordered the break-in of the offices which sent men to prison), then made him pick up his marbles and go home. Nixon had stopped playing the game by their rules.

An astute friend suggested that Nixon wasn't killed because it could possibly have awakened the sleeping population of America if two presidents (Kennedy and Nixon) were both assassinated within a short fourteen-year time span, while Henry Kissinger was in his power surge under their administrations.

While the Rockefellers figure heavily in the politics of the U. S. Government, as recorded in this book, it should be remembered that the Rockefellers are agents of the gargantuan Rothschild global empire, all of whose agents work in tandem, each doing their fair share in setting the stage for the final planned takeover of all national governments intended to culminate in a World Government. . . fulfilling their dream (our nightmare) of World Dominion.

For you readers just beginning the journey of awakening to the lies, to hopefully help in cutting through the maize of confusion:

Communism is NOT dead.

Communism is: Bolshevism.

Bolshevism is: political destruction. It is any radical, hostile usage of the political process, and is characterized by violent and bloody revolution. It uses terror and abject repression to crush any resistance.

Bolshevism is designed to destroy the spiritual nature of man and to create a feeling of utter hopelessness on the targeted population. (sound familiar?) Its doctrine is that the end justifies the means.

Bolshevism is: Russian Communism.

Russian Communism is also now known to be the same (different word) as Zionism. Zionism is the radical political program for World Dominion, characterized by its violence and cloaked in religious propaganda. Its doctrine is that the end justifies the means.

Zionism is being promulgated today by many Jews and by forty-million fundamentalist 'Christians' who now claim to be "Christian Zionists". All Zionists are not Jews, and all Jews are not Zionists.

However: Jews are controlled by their religious leaders, the rabbis. The religion of the Jews is Talmudism. Most all Jews, even those who denounce Zionism, adhere to their religion of Talmudism. The Torah is the foundation of the Talmud, and encompasses the first five books of the Old Testament - considered part of the Christian Bible.

The Torah/Old Testament lays the foundation for the political program of World Dominion quickly being finalized today. In order for Jews to escape the insanity and the barbarism, they must understand they are being used (have been since the beginning), and must also denounce the Talmud. Christian Zionists are also being used, and must denounce the Old Testament, the work of the Pharisees which Jesus condemned vociferously, for which he was killed.

Jews and Christian Zionists must withdraw their rabid support of Israel's barbaric expansion program. It is not "God's Plan". It is a plan of men who believe they are gods.

The majority of Jews today in Israel and abroad (more than ninety-percent) are NOT Semites. They are of Turko-Mongolian descent whose ancestors were of the Khazarian tribe from the Black Sea area of eastern Europe, and whose chieftain adopted Talmudism in 740 A.D.

Dear Heavenly Father! I do so pray that -- as convoluted as that may sound initially -- it is understandable for our newcomers. It is the naked truth, although not all of the truth, because we do not yet know all of the truth (facts). The facts stated above are true.

When the realization of the intricate web they've woven in and through and around our lives breaks through the veil of "this can't really be real"; when the perception that "nothing can stop them now" grabs hold of me. . . in order to maintain a semblance of sanity and peace I recall to mind that: 1) With Creator/God, ALL things are possible. 2) The plan for World Dominion by an inhuman, despotic, tyrannical group of unknown creatures has been ongoing for at least 2,500 years and they haven't succeeded yet. Why should we accept the fact that they will prevail this time around? I don't, and I never will. I pray you will stand in that place with me.

While transcribing this book, I've taken the liberty to make a NOTE here and there. Maybe that is more for my satisfaction (venting) than an actual benefit to the reader. I would prefer that not be the case, and if it is, the reader has a choice to skip over the notes while hopefully indulging the transcriber who gave her time freely to get the book -- its detailed information -- off a dusty shelf and into the public eye. Your eyes.

With Love -- Jackie -- December, 2002

p.s. I finished this late, just before leaving for out-of-state to care for my daughter. Did a cursory spell check but did not have time to check for words that were spelled correctly and are typos. Read this , please, for content. The work will be rechecked and corrected when we have the time -- soon -- I hope. -- J

KISSINGER

THE SECRET SIDE OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE

by GARY ALLEN

Chapter One

EXCERPTS:

While the FBI reported that there were at least 15,000 terrorists operating in the U.S., many openly encouraged, if not supplied and directed, by foreign powers, the United States was dismantling or hand-cuffing every major governmental unit charged with investigating such assaults on our security."

This book is the account of one man who, we believe, may be another wolf, entrusted with the job of protecting the sheep. It is the story of the person who, more than any other individual inside the U.S. government, has been the chief architect and apologist for the policies whose effects we have summarized above. It is the record of the present Secretary of State, Henry A. Kissinger."

As we penetrate the cloak of falsehood and deception that has been erected to protect the man and myth, we will find that Dr. Kissinger has deliberately misled the Congress and the American people on numerous occasions.

GULLIVER ON THE BEACH

The United States entered its Bicentennial Year with great hoopla and fanfare. But not even the star-spangled splendors served up by television, nor the less palatable pap pouring forth from politicians, could hide the stark reality: The United States is failing as leader of the Free World. It is being outflanked, outgunned, and out-maneuvered by the world communist movement.

A nation which had an unquestioned eight-hundred percent strategic military superiority over the soviet Union in 1960 was settling, sixteen years later, for second-place status. A country which led Europe and Japan to post-war recovery was itself being ravaged by inflation, recession, and unemployment.

A people who had never before lost a war watched helplessly as thousands of lives and billions of dollars were dumped into a conflict halfway around the world, while our own leaders said victory was not our goal. After 50,000 American lives had been lost, a sham "peace" was arranged -- and within three months three former allies were clutched in Communist hands.

As Red insurgency broke out in Thailand, burma and Malaysia, the Philippines decided to mend fences with communist china, North Korea again threatened to invade the South, and Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, and even Australia wondered aloud just how far they could count on the American presence in the Pacific.

The United States had already "opened the door" to mainland china, whose leaders are unquestionably the bloodiest mass murderers in human history. Red China practiced a smiling and beguiling diplomacy toward the West, while serving as the world's major pusher of drugs.

In europe, a crumbling North Atlantic Treaty Organization was racked by dissension and outgunned by the Warsaw Pact military alliance. Marxists seized power in Portugal, the new regime in Greece was intermittently hostile to the United States, communist Party strength in France and Italy was at an all-time high, and the Mediterranean was thoroughly dominated by the Russian fleet.

In the Middle East, a "peace" treaty had sown the seeds for a much greater war to come, the Suez Canal was opened to Communist vessels but denied to ships of the U.S. Navy, and russian "advisers" were moving into Africa by the tens of thousands. Each sharp soviet thrust was met by a listless, ineffectual response from the United States.

While Red china was reporting its eighteenth nuclear test, the Soviet nuclear-powered submarines began operating from cuba, Russian vessels played cat-and-mouse with an anemic American fleet in the Pacific, and the massive soviet fishing fleet came very near to driving the U.s. fishing industry out of business.

In our own hemisphere, detente-numbed negotiators were simultaneously maneuvering to lift the U.S. quarantine of communist cuba, and, in outright defiance of Congress, were plotting to give away the Panama Canal.

As the communist world grew more powerful and more brazen, it was official United States policy to facilitate the wholesale gift of American advanced technology and sophisticated equipment to the Red bloc. While the United States experienced double-digit inflation, its government secretly negotiated to give millions of dollars worth of foodstuffs to the Communists on credit. And while the energy crisis grew worse, our weird policies had the dual effect of limiting U.S. production of oil while increasing the price of foreign imports.

At home, Congress and the communications media were questioning not the demonstrably growing Communist subversion and terror in this country, but the perils posed by our own security agencies. While the FBI reported that there were at least 15,000 terrorists operating in the U.S., many openly encouraged, if not supplied and directed, by foreign powers, the United States was dismantling or hand-cuffing every major governmental unit charged with investigating such assaults on our security.

The American taxpayers continued to pay the lion's share of all expenses for the United Nations, which is dominated by a gaggle of Marxist dictatorships and "third world" totalitarians. The American host was abused by this parasitic combine virtually every day, often by member "governments" that practiced a bestiality and savagery usually associated with Stone Age tribes. And, when the United States finally appointed an Ambassador who would (verbally at least) give as good as he got, he received so little support and so much criticism from our own State Department that he quit in disgust.

To any objective observer, it must have appeared that American leaders had followed Alice in her trip through the looking glass. Or perhaps a collective madness had struck New York and Washington simultaneously. How else can we explain such an amazing tangle of setbacks and surprises, mistakes and miscalculations, disastrous blunders and humiliating defeats?

Was this catastrophic foreign policy what most Americans expected when, in 1968 and 1972, they gave a thumping majority to a man who was hailed as "the conservative, businessman's President"?

Certainly not.

Do a majority of Americans favor recognizing Red Cuba? Do they really concur in our abandoning the Panama Canal? Are they for one-sided wheat deals and technological giveaways to the Soviets? Do they agree that the Soviet Lend-Lease debt to the U.S. should be cancelled, that billions of dollars in other loans should be forgotten? That the United States accept a lesser role in world affairs -- become a second-rate power, no longer capable of defending its allies or its own freedom? Of course not!

The obvious truth is that a majority of American, armed with the above information, would oppose these policy decisions. This political fact of life was reflected in the campaign rhetoric of 1976, as the Administration pushed such unpleasant subjects as the Panama giveaway and the consequences of detente to a back burner.

As children we read in Gulliver's Travels of how the normal-sized Gulliver, washed ashore on an island run by diminutive Lilliputians, was captured and tied down by his tiny hosts. gulliver possessed more than enough strength to smash all of Lilliput -- at first. And yet, he found himself completely at the mercy of the Lilliputians. He had been bound down, while he slept, by thousands of tiny threads. Each single strand could have been broken, but the cumulative effect of all of them put Gulliver totally under the power of his enemies.

The United States today is in much the same, if you will pardon the pun, bind. This giant of the world, possessor of the greatest productive capacity in the history of man, with its awesome defensive and offensive power, is being immobilized by a seemingly endless array of isolated acts. But the net effect of all of the pacts, agreements, treaties, and accords is to paralyze American strength just as surely as Gulliver was held down by his physically inferior captors.

Undergirding this book is the conviction that what has happened to the United States, and what continues to happen -- this incredible lopsided weakening of the United States, while we pursue policies that support and strengthen our enemies -- is not the result of mere happenstance.

We believe that much of what is happening in the world today can be explained by one single, terrible word: conspiracy. The basic outline of the plot, the historical background and present purposes of the most important protagonists, have been discussed by the author in two previous works (None Dare Call It Conspiracy and The Rockefeller File) It is not our purpose to replow all of that ground again here.

Yes, we believe it is possible for moral, intellectually honest men to believe in globalism, the evolution of a world government, the need to reduce tensions, to "build bridges of understanding", and similar slogans. We also believe that the great majority of persons promoting such policies are sincere and well-meaning. We can accept the explanation that they truly believe what they are doing will benefit all of humanity.

But. . . this does not mean that they are right. Or even that everyone in their corner really is sincere. Alger Hiss managed to convince every Liberal who knew him that he was just another sympathetic sheep in the fold. His friends forgot that there are real wolves in the world.

This book is the account of one man who, we believe, may be another wolf, entrusted with the job of protecting the sheep. It is the story of the person who, more than any other individual inside the U.S. government, has been the chief architect and apologist for the policies whose effects we have summarized above. It is the record of the present Secretary of State, Henry A. Kissinger.

As we examine each part of the record, we will find that the indictment is a terrible one. This will not be an Horatio Alger account of the rise of a poor immigrant boy to power and fame; it is not a self-serving piece of puffery that has been sanitized of all unpleasant facts. This will be a cold, hard look at the record.

Quite simply, we believe that Dr. Kissinger's continued occupation of a powerful position in our government presents a clear and present danger to this Republic. As we penetrate the cloak of falsehood and deception that has been erected to protect the man and myth, we will find that Dr. Kissinger has deliberately misled the Congress and the American people on numerous occasions.

Perhaps, as at least one defector from the Communist intelligence network has charged, it is possible that Kissinger's policies have been so favorable to the Communist bloc because he works for them!

Is Henry A. Kissinger a conscious, willful agent of a conspiratorial apparatus working for a New World Order? Or is he rather a vain, brilliant, twisted intellectual? Maybe he is both of these.

One thing is certain: Dr. Kissinger has owed far more allegiance to the globe-girdling interests of the House of Rockefeller than to his ostensible superiors in the White House, or even to the American people he purports to serve. (And the best interests of Americans, and America, are by no means synonymous with the Grand Design of the House of Rockefeller!)

The issue today is not whom he serves (although that question is crucial), but what he has done. That is the subject, and the only subject, of this study. We have no access to secret documents, classified information, or the like. Everything in this book is taken from the public record. In the pages that follow, there is little that is new. but there is much that is shocking.

We hope this indictment makes you angry. We hope it makes you think. And then, we hope it makes you act. For we believe that the future of this land of liberty may well depend on whether -- and how soon -- our present disastrous course can be changed.

Chapter Two

EXCERPTS:

Who, after all, is Henry Kissinger? He is not, to begin with, Henry Kissinger. He was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923, in Fuerth, Germany, the son of Louis Kissinger, a school teacher and rabbi, and the former Paula Stern. Like many Jewish families feeling the rising impact of Naziism, the Kissinger family fled Germany to the United States in 1938."

[Questions: Was his mother, Paula Stern, related in any way to the famed terrorist "Stern Gang" in Israel? How did the family manage to escape the alleged 'gas chambers' in 1938? Five years earlier, In August, 1933, in his ABC broadcast declaring a Holy War against Germany, Samuel Untermeyer exclaimed that: "We must save the 600,000 Jews in Germany", That is not a typo. The number of Jews in Germany at that time, according to Untermeyer was 600,000, not 6,000,000, and they had begun leaving nearly as soon as Hitler took office. - JP - transcriber}

As presidential adviser, and later as Secretary of State for the outgoing President, Henry Kissinger had: Handled the Intermittent Middle East war so ably that. . . Kissinger had represented both the Soviets and the United States in the negotiations there."

Henry the K was nothing less than an outright Rockefeller agent ready to carry the family's "Grand Design" into the White House. "

He was the man who said "power is the ultimate aphrodisiac", and who was quoted in New York Times magazine as joking, "The illegal we do immediately. the unconstitutional takes a little longer"."

(It was during this period as intelligence-gatherer and interrogator, one defecting communist double-agent has claimed, that Kissinger himself was recruited by the KGB and given the code name Bor. More on this in Chapter Eleven.)"

At the 1971 shake-up, Nixon created a special committee to which the CIA director, the Attorney General, the Under-Secretary of State, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff would henceforth report. Chairman of the strategic committee was -- surprise! -- Henry the K.

He controlled every piece of intelligence to reach the President from the State Department, the Defense, Department, and the Central Intelligence Agency.

THE MAN BEHIND THE MYTH

When President Nixon finally told the man he had appointed as Vice President of his decision to resign, the first thing Gerald Ford did was telephone Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

It was August 1974, and all the king's horses and all the king's men couldn't put Richard Nixon together again. Watergate had already cut deeply, toppling presidential advisers, counselors, election campaign chiefs, an attorney general -- and now a President.

The only member of the inner circle apparently untouched by it all was the pudgy, beak-nosed Secretary of State, a man whose less-than-spectacular visage had already graced the covers of more magazines than any other presidential adviser in history. The king of flight-bag diplomats, who was continually jetting off to "resolve" another world crisis, had come to be known variously as "Henry the K", "Superman", Super Kraut", and other, even more flowery, descriptions.

This physically undistinguished diplomat with the deeply guttural German accent, who had so often been seen in public with gorgeous starlets and well-connected socialites, was reputed to be a secret -- and very successful -- swinger.

This was the man -- and the myth -- to whom the appointed vice President turned first after it was apparent that Richard Nixon, enmeshed in a web of tapes and cover-ups, was being forced from office by a scandal whose origins had been murky and whose political outcome was devastating.

We are told it was Ford who requested a meeting with Kissinger -- a meeting which lasted two hours. The soft-spoken Midwesterner prevailed on the whiz-kid super-diplomat to stay on. It was about as tough a sale as peddling a snow cone to a thirsty Arab. Time says Ford simply told Henry, "I need you". Jawohl, replied Henry. Later, in his first public utterance as President-successor, Ford announced that all was well with the Republic because Kissinger had consented to remain on the job.

The whole scenario seemed strangely out of place for a reportedly conservative, Midwestern Republican. After all, Vice President Ford and President Nixon had both been presented to their party -- and to the nation -- as a "conservative, pro-business" candidates and office holders. Yet in 1968 Nixon's first major appointment was to place Henry Kissinger in the key post of Adviser for National Security Affairs.

But, as presidential adviser, and later as Secretary of State for the outgoing President, Henry Kissinger had:

Been the primary architect of the "opening" to Communist china, while working secretly behind the scenes to oust the Republic of China {Taiwan} from the United Nations, which Free China had helped found.
Emerged as spokesman for appeasement of and "rapprochement" with the Soviet Union, and promoted policies which guaranteed the Soviet Union a strategic military superiority over the U.S.
Arranged for supplying the latest American technology and know-how to the Soviet block, while waiving $11 billion owed the United States by the Soviet government.
Provided the U.S.S.R. with American wheat on incredibly favorable credit terms, while bread prices skyrocketed at home.
Designed the Vietnam "peace" accords with the North Vietnamese Communists (for which he shared a Nobel "Peace" Prize), agreements which guaranteed the Communists victory in Vietnam in the first war ever lost by this country.
Handled the Intermittent Middle East war so ably that, according to his friend, Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, Kissinger had represented both the Soviets and the United States in the negotiations there.
Alienated such long-time American allies as Turkey and Greece, thus weakening NATO and allowing the Soviet Union to dominate the entire Mediterranean.
Urged a policy of "reconciliation" with Communist Cuba, a Soviet satellite successfully planted in the Western Hemisphere which subsequently sent "volunteers" to stage a Communist coup in Angola.
Attempted, despite massive Congressional and public opposition, to surrender American sovereignty over the Panama Canal, and endorsed the claims of a Moscow-lining Panamanian dictator to the vital waterway.
Supported a boycott of anti-Communist Rhodesia as a "threat to world peace" with the result that the U.S. became dependent on the Soviet Union for chrome ore.

As national security adviser, Kissinger had created an information-gathering, policy-deciding empire far vaster than anything assembled by his predecessors. He was given so much authority by Nixon that he became the second most powerful man in the White House -- if not the most powerful. (His "boss" did not survive Watergate; Henry did.)

He was the man who said "power is the ultimate aphrodisiac", and who was quoted in New York Times magazine as joking, "The illegal we do immediately. the unconstitutional takes a little longer".

This is the man who eavesdropped on his own staff and bugged suspect newsmen, but who, when challenged about it, blackmailed both Congress and the media by threatening to resign if they did not ignore his role in the telephone taps.

Yet, this was the man whom Time called "the world's indispensable man" and whom Newsweek caricatured as a flying superman.

Like the rest of his image, Henry's reputation as an over-sexed Lothario who sweeps the girls off their feet seems strangely contrived. Kissinger courted his first wife, Ann Fleischer, for seven long years before the two were wed. It was another ten years before their first child was born. Prior to his political stardom, Henry was no Speedy Gonzales.

There have been various descriptions of how at a party given by Barbara Howar for women's lib propagandist Gloria Steinem, Henry referred to himself as a "secret swinger". The phrase swept the cocktail circuit gossip line and stuck. Henry subsequently was able to parlay his self-stimulated reputation into much-photographed evenings with Jill St. John, Marlo Thomas, Hope Lange, Samantha Eggar, and Judy Brown. The latter, who starred in a Danish pornography film entitled "Threesome", enhanced his Don Juan reputation when she called in reporters to discuss their eighteen-month "relationship".

These were part of the boola boola build-up of the man who had the most meteoric rise to power in contemporary American history. Yet there were other, less-flattering descriptions of Henry the K. But the negative comments were overwhelmed by the press-agentry which cast the middle-aged professor in his Superman sex-symbol role.

Writer Noel. E. Parmentel describes how after Ann Fleischer "literally slaved to send him through graduate school", Kissinger browbeat her unbelievably by his abusive screaming and shouting. He was ashamed of her New York accent; he told her she embarrassed him in front of "important people". The marriage broke up after fifteen years -- just as Henry began to taste public (and, presumably, private) success.

Friends and ex-associates describe Kissinger as a man who was "openly cruel" to Ann Fleischer, who sulked petulantly whenever he was upstaged, and who ignored anyone who couldn't help him.

A former Kissinger staff member described him this way: "He's got us all buffaloed. He can (and will) lift your security, get you a foundation black ball, bong you at the colleges, put you in Coventry. He's got spies in every department. He's running the Ministry of Fear. All of his phones are tapped and he keeps long dossiers". Another Kissinger ex-staffer added: "In my book Hank Kissinger is a suspicious, fearful misanthrope surrounded by people who are compelled to maintain a low profile to keep their jobs. I'd sooner dig ditches than work for him again."

And there have been even more sinister assessments of the Kissinger psyche. Phyllis Schlafly and Rear Admiral Chester Ward (USN-Ret.) produced an exhaustive study of Kissinger deeds, misdeeds, and mentality. Their 800-page analysis, Kissinger on the Couch, concludes that Kissinger is obsessed with both megalomania and defeatism. They contend he is a man so driven by a lust for power that he would lie to anyone, including the President, to achieve a goal.

Former Nixon aide Charles W. Colson, the Watergate victim who spoke out clearly about conspiracy in high places, has said that Nixon told him as early as December 18, 1973, that Kissinger "is really unstable at times". A woman staff assistant at Harvard has recalled: "He appeared to have this fear that other lecturers were laughing behind his back. I feel certain that if a proper mental diagnosis had been made in 1962, he would have been declared sick". This, of course, is the classic description of paranoia.

This was the strangely mercurial, contradictory man to whom Gerald Ford, the unlikely President, turned immediately as Nixon prepared to leave the presidency.

How did a German immigrant, who once said his highest ambition was to become an accountant, zoom from academic obscurity to the second most powerful position in the White House -- all within five years?

At first blush, the phenomenon seems as inexplicable as Richard Nixon leaving the tape recorder on.

Can we really believe that President Nixon plucked Henry Kissinger out of the academic ozone, as Time reported, just on the basis of having met him at a cocktail party, and remembering reading an earlier Kissinger book?

Is it reasonable to believe that Nixon, a super partisan, would give the position of what amounted to "assistant President in charge of foreign policy" to a Harvard Professor who never claimed to be a Republican? Are we to believe that Nixon was so enraptured by the genius of this man who can hardly speak English that he gave him one of the most important appointments in his administration?

Well, hardly. Nothing about the Kissinger rollercoaster career makes an iota of sense -- not his surprising selection by Nixon as security adviser, not his deliberate acquisition of more power than any similar White House official had ever enjoyed before, not his appointment as Secretary of State, not his survival of the Watergate sweep which eliminated all other Nixon advisers, not his preeminent position in the Ford Administration -- unless we ask who placed Henry Kissinger on his Yellow Brick Road in the first place. Henry was not provided with magic glass slippers by the Witch of the East. He had something better.

Once you strip away all of the puffery, press-agentry, and Madison Avenue hokum which have been erected around the persona of Henry Kissinger, one unmistakable fact emerges: Henry Kissinger is now and, for all of his political life, has been an agent of the mightiest combine of power, finance, and influence in American politics: The House of Rockefeller. (The story of the alarming power and frightening ambition of the House of Rockefeller is told in detail in the Rockefeller File by Gary Allen, published earlier this year [1976] by '76 Press.)

Said U.S. News & World Report on November 1, 1971: "It was on the advice of Governor Rockefeller, who described Mr. Kissinger as 'the smartest guy available', that Mr. Nixon chose him for his top adviser on foreign policy".

The Deseret News had already quoted a Rockefeller aide as saying: "Rocky set up the job for Henry because he. . . thought it might (!) give (Rockefeller) some voice in U.S. foreign policy".

Just as Nixon was packaged and peddled to the American people as a conservative with middle-American values who would stand up to the effete Eastern Establishment, Kissinger -- incredibly enough -- was initially promoted as a conservative and staunch anti-Communist. Erstwhile conservative William F. Buckley, for example, hailed as "a happy office" Nixon's first major appointment, and described the 45-year-old professor Kissinger as "the anti-Communist at Harvard". While Buckley was pleased, his supposed opposites on the Left were gleefully adoring.

Adam Yarmolinsky, the notorious Leftist who was responsible for the appointment of Robert Strange McNamara as Secretary of Defense, declared: "I will sleep better with Henry Kissinger in Washington".

Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. stated: "I think it's an excellent appointment. It's very encouraging. He's the best they'll get."

While the Liberal press went into paroxysms of ecstasy over Nixon's appointment of a Harvard intellectual to the post of Adviser on National Security Affairs, little attention was paid to the fact that Kissinger could not even assume the most sensitive White House job there is, outside of the Presidency itself, until he was given a security waiver by his new boss. The reasons Kissinger could never pass accurate security procedures will be discussed in a subsequent chapter.

Who, after all, is Henry Kissinger?

He is not, to begin with, Henry Kissinger. He was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923, in Fuerth, Germany, the son of Louis Kissinger, a school teacher and rabbi, and the former Paula Stern. Like many Jewish families feeling the rising impact of Naziism, the Kissinger family fled Germany to the United States in 1938.

Already a skilled debater when he arrived in America at the age of fifteen, Heinz -- now Henry -- did well in rhetoric and other fields as a high school student in New York City. when he graduated with honors, he said that his highest ambition was to be an accountant.

But fate, in the form of World War II, intervened. Drafted into the U.S. Army in 1943 -- a process which also made him an American citizen -- the young Kissinger was "discovered" by a fellow German refugee, Dr. Fritz Kraemer. Kraemer served in American military intelligence and got Kissinger promoted into the 970th counter-intelligence detachment. when hostilities ceased, Kissinger's special position enabled him to become the virtual dictator of a German town, where he commandeered a villa and began living in the grand manner. He administered an entire district and, as a civil service employee, received the then-considerable salary of $10,000 per year.

Henry ruled his quasi-fiefdom until April 1946, when he was transferred to the European command Intelligence School. (It was during this period as intelligence-gatherer and interrogator, one defecting communist double-agent has claimed, that Kissinger himself was recruited by the KGB and given the code name Bor. More on this in Chapter Eleven.)

After leaving the Army, Kissinger enrolled at Harvard University, majoring in government and securing four scholarships. It can be argued that Heinz, er Henry, had already been tapped by important people as a man with a future.

Competition for admission to Harvard is always super stiff. But in 1946, with all the veterans trying to squeeze in, it was incredible. Yet, little Heinz, the refugee, not only gained admission but had his education paid in full by multiple scholarships.

Harvard was the turning point in Kissinger's life. (Assuming, of course, that a more sinister turning point had not already occurred in his Army intelligence days in post-war Germany, through a working relationship with Soviet agents.)

With the help of a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation Fellowship for Political Theory, the bright young ex-intelligence officer graduated from Harvard in 1950. but Kissinger did not stop there; he received his MA in 1952 and a doctorate in 1954. His dream of becoming an accountant was obviously fading faster than bookings for a return voyage on the Titanic.

Somehow, somewhere, something happened to Herr Kissinger along the academic way. First came the grant from the Rockefellers. Then, while he was working on his Master's, Kissinger was made executive director of the Harvard International Seminar -- a student exchange program which was later found to be financed by the Central Intelligence Agency.

While working toward his doctorate, he was employed on numerous occasions as a consultant for various government agencies. Kissinger apparently made a favorable impression on those members of the Eastern Liberal Establishment who look for reliable bright young men. With the support of his mentor, Professor William Elliott, a well-connected Establishmentarian.

Henry was ushered into that repository of power and prestige, the elusive, secretive Council on Foreign Relations -- perhaps the nation's most important and influential organization. (More about the CFR in the next chapter.)

At the same time, he also became affiliated with the Rockefeller Brothers Trust Fund. For a young German immigrant still hampered by a heavy accent, Kissinger had obviously arrived. If the House of Rockefeller approved him, who would say him nein?

Kissinger next was promoted to associate director of Harvard's Center for International Affairs and director of its special Studies Project. In 1956, his fellow harvard alumni and CFR members McGeorge Bundy, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., and William Elliott suggested Kissinger become editor of Foreign Affairs, the very influential quarterly journal of the Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations.

Henry declined the opportunity to polish other men's prose, electing instead to write an analysis of nuclear weapons. The result was Kissinger's first book, Nuclear Weapons and foreign Policy, which impressed many persons (including then-Vice President Richard Nixon) and drew supportive comments from such disparate sources as National Review and security risk J. Robert Oppenheimer.

This book has been quoted over and over again by "conservatives" like William F. Buckley who try to pass off Kissinger as an anti-Communist. The truth is that in his second book, The necessity for Choice, Kissinger admitted that he had reconsidered his earlier views, and had reached a vastly different conclusion. The result was an espousal of "flexible response" and "limited warfare" and the other cliches which resulted in sending 500,000 men into a no-win war in Vietnam.

With the force of the Rockefeller-CFR propaganda arm behind him, Henry was now attracting national attention in high circles. He was invited to attend the infamous Pugwash Conferences, the "private" Soviet-American meetings sponsored by Soviet apologist Cyrus Eaton.

In later years, the pro-Communist bias of the Pugwash reports would be generally acknowledged, even by Liberals.

Kissinger got into the governmental advisory business under Democratic President John F. Kennedy. He served as a special consultant to JFK during the Berlin crisis and also was appointed to the Arms Control and disarmament Agency.

At the CIA-funded Harvard International Seminar, Kissinger founded a magazine called Confluence, which eventually came under the close scrutiny of the Defense Department because of its pro-Communist bias.

If the magazine correctly reflected Kissinger's views, and if his second book corrected his earlier comments on national security vis-a-vis the Communists, then Henry put it all together in his third book, The Troubled Partnership, published in the mid-60s.

This CFR-sponsored volume in effect called for the merging of the United States with the increasingly socialist nations of Europe into a single nation, as part of what Kissinger called a "Grand Design".

The services Kissinger had begun for Kennedy were continued for his successor. Henry represented the Johnson Administration on three secret missions to Vietnam, two of them to North Vietnam. but while serving these two Democratic presidents, Henry was also the key foreign policy adviser to Republican Nelson Rockefeller.

In fact, it was even reported that Kissinger, who never had a good word to say about Richard Nixon prior to his appointment by him, wept openly when Nelson Rockefeller lost his 1968 bid to garner the Republican nomination for President.

According to an account by United Press International, Kissinger was "reluctant" to accept Nixon's "surprise offer" of a presidential appointment. Rockefeller, K's employer for ten years, made up his mind for him, according to UPI, when he told Henry that if he did not accept it, "never talk to me again".

Later, during a party celebrating Henry Kissinger's fiftieth birthday, Rocky toasted his longtime employee, saying that he'd been associated with him in three Presidential campaigns and "We succeeded in the third. Henry went to the White House".

Henry's sadness at leaving the direct employment of Rockefeller -- a position that had seen his salary jump from $500 a month in July 1958 to a much more comfortable $4,000 a month a mere ten years later -- was no doubt partially assuaged by Nelson's parting token of appreciation: a check for $50,000.

Rockefeller later explained that he wanted to do something to help out a "poor guy faced with tremendous obligations". Of course, if any other billionaire businessman did it, we would call it bribery. with Rockefeller, it's simply a nice gesture.

Keep in mind that the Rockefellers own properties and do business in some 125 separate nations, including the Soviet Union and Red china. Every decision Kissinger would make in Washington was a potential conflict of interest involving his sponsor and benefactor, Rockefeller. Yet, even in the wake of Watergate, when the "gift" was revealed at Rocky's Vice Presidential confirmation hearings, the story caused no more splash than a leaf falling from a tree. The TV anchormen did not even mention it.

In tracing Henry's meteoric rise from obscurity to international acclaim, we see that his magic slippers had the Rockefeller label. From Henry's membership in the Rockefeller's CFR while a professor at Harvard, to his association with a host of Rockefeller-connected activities, to his appointments in Washington, even to his second marriage, the Rockefeller power, prestige, and influence were paving the way for him.

(Nancy Maginnes, Henry's new wife, was -- and remains -- a Rockefeller employee. The relationship is such a family affair that Nelson even supplied the jet that whisked the couple to their honeymoon retreat, and threw a lavish party for them when they returned to Washington.)

This, then, was the background of Richard Nixon's most important appointment. The man selected as chief adviser to the President was a trusted spokesman for the Council on Foreign Relations. In fact, Henry the K was nothing less than an outright Rockefeller agent ready to carry the family's "Grand Design" into the White House.

Kissinger promptly began to centralize his power and to promote his Grand Design. Or, as he and the Rockefellers now call it, the "New World Order". It came as no surprise to Kissinger-watchers when President Nixon reorganized U.S. intelligence operations in 1971 and Kissinger emerged at the pinnacle of power.

Henry had put together the largest team ever to serve the national security adviser. Many of his key aides and assistants were holdovers from the Kennedy-Johnson Administration.

As the Los Angeles Times reported, "efficiency" was not the real reason for the move. The White House was said to be "unhappy" because certain military bureaus -- particularly the Defense Intelligence Agency -- were too "hard-line" in their interpretations of Communist plans, whereas CIA Director Richard Helms, a long-time Kissinger chum, and Kissinger himself could be counted on to take a more reasonable view.

In any case, by 1971 Henry had become, as the Times noted, virtually "all-powerful in the sprawling sector of the government which seeks to advise the President on national security matters". His dominance of the expanded, 110-member National Security Council was so complete that he controlled every piece of intelligence to reach the President from the State Department, the Defense, Department, and the Central Intelligence Agency.

Never before in the history of the United States had such colossal power been put into the hands of an unelected official. Despite the obvious dangers, the media were quieter than Charlie McCarthy when Edgar Bergen is away.

It became common knowledge that Kissinger spent more time with the President than any other White House staffer, and the President frequently dropped into his office, less than a half-minute away from his own. Long-time Washington reporter Clark Mollenhoff noted, "Officially, the 47-year-old former Harvard professor of government is the 'Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs' at a salary of $42,500 a year. But, in fact, he has become the Number Two Man in all matters dealing with the Defense and State Departments".

Numero Uno was of course the President himself, not the man confirmed by the Senate as Secretary of State. It was common knowledge on the Washington cocktail circuit that Kissinger had far more power than the actual Secretary of State, William P. Rogers.

It was in August 1973, during a dip in the presidential pool at Nixon's San Clemente home, that the President finally popped the question to the man who was already Secretary of State in all but name. "If you will let me, I would like to nominate you for Secretary of State tomorrow", Time claims was the Nixon approach.

We find it a little hard to believe Time's follow-up: "No matter how prepared Henry Kissinger may have been for that moment, it still stunned him."

By the time the question was put to him, the de facto Secretary of State was already known as the architect of East-West detente, the chief spokesman for appeasement and rapprochement, the man whose "ping-pong diplomacy" secured the opening to Red China, the statesman who would bring peace to Southeast Asia, the brilliant diplomat who would defuse the powder-keggy Middle East.

Kissinger -- Time magazine's Man of the Year -- stunned? About as stunned as Dean Martin upon being nominated to the Imbibers Hall of Fame.

The next day Kissinger greeted newsmen at the Western White House and demonstrated that modest was still not one of his hallmarks. Asked how he now preferred to be addressed, he replied: "Oh, I don't stand on protocol. If you will just call me Excellency, it will be okay".

Only two members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee even bothered to sit through the two and one-half hours of hearings on the Kissinger nomination as the nation's first foreign-born Secretary of State. Perfunctory approval followed swiftly in the full Senate; the final vote was 78 ayes to 7 nays.

(Henry's strong guttural accent, after more than four decades in the United States, is itself an intriguing mystery. After all, Henry's wheeler-dealer businessman brother Walter speaks English with perfect diction. TV Guide reported on January 26, 1974 that "it is believed by some that Kissinger was kept off television for his first two years in the Administration because the White House feared that the German accent would be a poor image".)

Finally, Henry had it made. He was in the limelight now. He ran a vast empire, in name as well as in deed. He presided over 12,000 diplomats, code clerks, economic analysts, linguists, secretaries, and the like. His salary was a comfortable $60,000 per year. But, ahh, the perquisites, prestige, and power!

During his confirmation hearings, it was revealed that Kissinger headed the most immense intelligence-gathering and policy-determining apparatus in White House history. At the time of the confirmation, Kissinger was: a) head of the national Security Council, b) chairman of every important committee on the Council, c) the man to whom the CIA director reported, and d) chairman of the "Forty" Committee, the "covert operations" arm of the NSC. As Senator Stuart Symington observed to our hero:

"If you stay in two positions, head of State and also head of the National Security Council, you are going to be in a position where you are going to have unprecedented authority never granted to anybody but the President."

And that is just what Kissinger got -- with not a yelp from the fawning media.

The intelligence empire over which Kissinger reigned and reigns is far vaster than just the State Department. It includes some 16 major agencies, with 200,000 employees, a total annual budget in excess of $6 billion, and controls the most sophisticated gadgetry and computers on the planet.

And there is no doubt at all that Henry wanted every jot and tittle of delicious power and delectable authority he could get. The Washington Star of November 19, 1972 quotes Super K as saying:

"When one holds power in one's hand, and when one holds it formally for quite a long time, you get used to considering it as something you are entitled to have. . . What I am interested in is what you can do with power. You can make marvelous things with it, believe me".

Increasing concern over the amount of power Kissinger possessed, however, caused the Secretary of State to doff his other hat, that as director of the National Security Council, last year. But the fact that the NSC directorship passed to a long-time Kissinger protege, Lt. General Brent Scowcroft, makes the gesture virtually meaningless. Senator Henry M. Jackson, a persistent Kissinger needler, noted that, "Despite the appearances, Kissinger will retain full control of the National Security Council".

And even ultra-Liberal Adlai Stevenson II, the junior Senator from Illinois, observed that "the change is only symbolic".

Ford's swift guarantee of Kissinger's continuance in the White House could only mean one thing: the Grand Design remains in force. The players might change, but the game is the same.

As election year 1976 began, candidate Ford's speeches sounded like replays of 1968 and 1972 -- warmed-over servings of Nixon "conservatism". This was an indirect admission by The Powers That Be of the need to campaign on Middle American ideals, virtues, and traditions.

Or, to put it another way, the only way to con Americans out of their heritage is to promise the Old Time Values while delivering the New World Order.

Chapter Three

EXCERPTS:

It can hardly be surprising that Rockefeller's chief foreign policy adviser at the time, one Henry A. Kissinger, later arranged to move President Nixon toward just such accommodation and amalgamation with the Communist world."

Working very hard to implement the CFR's wishes, and hasten the day when its "New World Order" will be a frightening fact, is the man who was plucked from obscurity for just such a mission: Henry A. Kissinger. And having been made a superstar because of his reliability, Henry is unlikely to change sides now. As we shall see, his record shows that he can accomplish wonders -- for his real masters in the Shadow Government."

KISSINGER AND THE SHADOW GOVERNMENT

"Kissinger has grown up in the foreign policy group which revolves around the Council on Foreign Relations. Here he came to know, and work with, the whole cluster of top men in banking and industry who make up the true core of the so-called 'Eastern Establishment'." So says columnist Joseph Harsch, and of course, he should know, since he is a member of that selfsame CFR.

So much does Kissinger owe to the Council on Foreign Relations that he said at a party honoring a retiring high official of the organization: "You invented me".

Is it significant that the Council on Foreign Relations -- after this abbreviated as CFR -- invented Henry K? It is if you want to understand how the executive branch of the American government is really run.

The CFR, headed by David Rockefeller and under the control of his lieutenants, is America's "Shadow Government" or "Invisible Government". Administrations, both Democrat and Republican, come and go, but as we shall see, the key appointments in both always go to members of the mysterious Council on Foreign Relations.

This organization, headquartered in New York City, is composed of an elite of approximately 1,600 of the nation's Establishment Insiders in the fields of hight finance, academics, politics, commerce, the foundations, and the communications media. The names of most of its members are household words, but few ordinary Americans have ever heard of this organization. Even fewer are aware of its goals.

Despite the fact that the key moguls of the mass media are members of the CFR, its first fifty years of existence went uncommented except for a single article in Harper's, a feature in the Christian Science Monitor, and an occasional perfunctory announcement in the New York Times.

Such anonymity can hardly be accidental -- especially when you realize that the membership of the Council on Foreign Relations includes top executives from the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the Knight newspaper chain, NBC, CBS, Time, Life, Fortune, Business Week, U.S. News & World Report, and many others.

For several years now a handful of conservative authors has been laboring to expose the activities of the CFR. Until recently these efforts, though cumulative, could be ignored. Four years ago, however, it began to be apparent that George Wallace was planning to seize upon the Council as an electoral issue.

Obviously anticipating this, two very similar articles on the CFR appeared in the New York Times and New York magazine. The strategy was to admit that the Council on Foreign Relations has long acted as an unelected secret government of the United States, but to maintain that it has voluntarily withdrawn to the sidelines for reasons of altruism.

Contrary to what the Times wanted its readers to believe, the CFR (with Kissinger in charge of American foreign policy) was just reaching its zenith of power. Still, as John Franklin Campbell put it in New York for September 20, 1971:

Practically every lawyer, banker, professor, general, journalist and bureaucrat who has had any influence on the foreign policy of the last six Presidents -- From Franklin Roosevelt to Richard Nixon -- has spent some time in the Harold Pratt House, a four-story mansion on the corner of Park Avenue and 68th Street, donated 26 years ago by Mr. Pratt's widow (an heir to the Standard Oil fortune) to the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. . .
If you can walk -- or be carried -- into the Pratt House, it usually means that you are a partner in an investment bank or law firm -- with occasional "trouble-shooting" assignments in government. You believe in foreign aid, NATO, and a bipartisan foreign policy. You've been pretty much running things in this country for the last 25 years, and you know it.

Anthony Lukas, writing in the New York Times magazine of November 21, 1971, also admitted that the Insiders of the Council have been responsible for our disastrous foreign policy over the past twenty-five years. Mr. Lukas observed:

From 1945 well into the sixties, Council members were in the forefront of America's globalist activism: the United Nations organizational meeting in San Francisco (John McCloy, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Joseph Johnson, Thomas Finletter and many others); as ambassadors to the world body (Edward Stettinius, Henry Cabot Lodge, James Wadsworth and all but three others); the U.S. occupation in Germany (Lucius Clay as military governor, McCloy again and James Conant as High Commissioners); NATO (Finletter again, Harland Cleveland, Charles Spofford as U.S. delegates).
For the last three decades, American foreign policy has remained largely in the hands of men -- the overwhelming majority of them Council members -- whose world perspective was formed in World War II and in the economic reconstructions and military security programs that followed. . .
The Council was their way of staying in touch with the levels of power. . .

Liberal columnist Joseph Kraft, himself a member of the CFR, noted in Harper's for July of 1958 that the Council "has been the seat of. . . basic government decisions, has set the context for many more, and has repeatedly served as a recruiting ground for ranking officials." Kraft, incidentally, called his article "School For Statesmen" -- an admission that the members of the Council are drilled with a "Line" of strategy to be carried out in Washington.

In New York magazine, Campbell tells of CFR influence in World War II and in post-war planning:

In 1939, with Rockefeller money and the blessings of Secretary of State Cordell Hull, the Council established planning groups on political, economic and strategic problems of the war, which, in 1942, were transferred along with most of their personnel directly into the State Department.
Many of their studies which culminated in the new international institutions of 1945 -- the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund -- began as research efforts at the Council.

When he was chairman of the board of the Council, John J. McCloy wrote a private letter to its members in which he euphemized that

"The Council -- more than any other organization in the foreign field -- has helped leading private citizens to gain an understanding of international problems, and many of them have subsequently used this knowledge as government officials responsible for carrying out United States foreign policy".

Indeed, the CFR has served as a virtual employment agency for the federal government under both Democrats and Republicans. The Christian Science Monitor report back in September 1961 confirmed this conclusion:

Because of the Council's single-minded dedication to studying and deliberating American foreign policy, there is a constant flow of its members from private to public service. Almost half of the Council members have been invited to assume official government positions or to act as consultants at one time or another.

Anthony Lukas comments in the New York Times magazine:

. . . Everyone knows how fraternity brothers can help other brothers climb the ladder of life. If you want to make foreign policy, there's no better fraternity to belong to than the Council . . .
When Henry Stimson -- the group's quintessential member -- went to Washington in 1940 as Secretary of War, he took with him John McCloy, who was to become Assistant Secretary in charge of personnel. McCloy has recalled "Whenever we needed a man we thumbed through the roll of the Council members and put through a call to New York".
And over the years, the men McCloy called in turn called other Council members. . . Of the first 82 names on a list prepared to help President Kennedy staff his State Department, 63 were Council members. . .

Indeed, the CFR provided the key men, particularly in the field of foreign policy, for the Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and now Ford Administrations. As Joseph Kraft phrased it:

"the Council plays a special part in helping to bridge the gap between the two parties, affording unofficially a measure of continuity when the guard changes in Washington."

The following prominent Democrats have been, or now are, agents of the Council on Foreign Relations: Dean Acheson, Alger Hiss, Adlai Stevenson, John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, Edward Kennedy (Boston Committee), Averell Harriman, George Ball, Henry Fowler, Dean Rusk, Adam Yarmolinsky, Hubert Humphrey, Frank Church, George McGovern and John Lindsay.

Holding the fort for the CFR in the Republican Party have been Dwight Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, Thomas E. Dewey, Jacob Javits, Robert McNamara, Henry Cabot Lodge, Paul Hoffman, John Gardner, the Rockefellers, Elliot Richardson, Arthur Burns and Richard Nixon.

The policy-making power of the CFR is absolutely awesome and yet remains, strangely, virtually unknown to the American public.

Every Secretary of State from 1934 to 1976 [in an unbroken line to the present - 2002] (except James Byrnes) has been a member of the Council, as has every Secretary of Defense and every Deputy Secretary of Defense.

In the 44 years from 1928 to 1972, nine out of ten Republican presidential nominees were CFR members, and from 1952 to 1972 a CFR member won every presidential election (except Lyndon Johnson, whose White House staff was nonetheless CFR-dominated).

In half of the presidential campaigns during those same two decades, both candidates had been or were CFR members. More than 40 CFR members were among the U.S. delegation to the first United Nations conference in San Francisco, including Soviet agent Alger Hiss.

In the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations, more than 60 CFR members held major policy-making decisions. President Nixon appointed at least 115 members of the Council on Foreign Relations to key posts in his Administration, an all-time high for any President. These included such established Leftists as Charles Yost, Stanley R. Resor, Arthur Burns, Harold Brown, Maxwell Taylor, Lincoln Bloomfield, George A. Lincoln, Henry Cabot Lodge, Robert Murphy, Dr. Frank Stanton, Richard F. Pederson, Alan Pifer, Dr. Paul McCracken, Ellsworth Bunker, Dr. Glenn Seaborg, Joseph Sisco, Jacob Beam, Gerard Smith, and John McCloy.

George Wallace made famous the slogan that at the Presidential level there is not a dime's worth of difference between the Democrat and Republican parties. Many observers have noted that while the two parties use different rhetoric and aim their spiels at differing segments of the population, it seems to make little difference who wins the election.

The reason for this is that while grass roots Democrats and Republicans generally have greatly differing views on the economy, political policies, and federal activities, as you climb the sides of the political pyramid the two parties become more and more alike. The reason there isn't a dime's worth of difference is that instead of having two distinctly different groups called Democrats and Republicans, we actually have Rockedems and Rockepubs.

Of some 1,600 CFR members, 120 either own or control the nation's major newspapers, magazines, radio and television networks, as well as the most powerful book-publishing companies. The interlock with academia is immense.

As the Schlafly-Ward writing team has noted:

"The Rockefeller clique includes the most influential of the 82 CFR foundation-administration types who have disproportionate influence on what is taught in our universities and over professorial and department appointments."

Plus, CFR members virtually control the major foundations, whose grants quite often are bestowed on persons or groups tied to the CFR. With this group, the "coincidences" are simply astounding.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has been under virtual CFR control since its creation. Even though James R. Schlesinger, who briefly headed it in 1973, was not a CFR member, he was a protege of CFR man Daniel Ellsberg of "Pentagon Papers" fame, and his appointment was manipulated by the key CFR operative, Henry Kissinger.

Secretaries of State Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, Dean Rusk, and Henry Kissinger all were CFR members -- all, in fact, worked directly for the House of Rockefeller -- before their appointments to major federal posts.

The balance of the CFR elitist clique is predominantly the big money boys. Of the CFR's 1974 membership, about 90 represented the major Wall Street international banking organizations. In addition, presidents, vice-presidents and chairmen of the boards of most of the giant corporations are members of the CFR.

The Council on Foreign Relations gets little publicity and is virtually unknown to the general public. But it represents Big Government, Big Business, Big Banking, and the Big Media. At the apex of this power elite sits none other than David Rockefeller. And remember, this is the organization which Henry says "invented" him.

Nobody can rationally deny that "our" government has been run by CFR members for many years. They indeed form a shadow government. The question is: Do these CFR members generally share common beliefs and goals?

For the first time we now have an actual member of the CFR who is willing to testify against the organization. He is Admiral Chester Ward, U.S. Navy (Ret.), who as a hot-shot youngish Admiral had become Judge Advocate General of the Navy. As a "man on the rise" he was invited to become a member of the prestigious CFR. The Establishment obviously assumed that Admiral Ward, like so many hundreds before him, would succumb to the flattery of being invited into the inner sanctum and that through subtle appeals to personal ambition he would quickly fall in line.

The Insiders badly underestimated the toughness and stern character of Admiral Ward. He soon became a vocal opponent of the organization. And while the Rockefellers were not so gauche as to remove him from the rolls of the organization, he is no longer invited to attend the private luncheons and briefing sessions. The Admiral states:

The objective of the influential majority of members of CFR has not changed since its founding in 1922, more than 50 years ago. In the 50th anniversary issue of Foreign Affairs (the official quarterly publication of the CFR), the first and leading article was written by CFR member Kingman Brewster, Jr., entitled "Reflections on Our National Purpose".

He did not back away from defining it: our national purpose should be to abolish our nationality. Indeed, he pulled out all the emotional stops in a hardsell for global government. He described our "Vietnam-seared generation" as being "far from America Firsters" -- an expression meant as a patronizing sop to our young people. In the entire CFR lexicon, there is no term of revulsion carrying a meaning so deep as "America First".

While CFR members are not robots and may disagree on many minor matters, according to the Admiral, this lust to surrender our independence is common to most of them:

"Although, from the inside, CFR is certainly not the monolith that some members and most nonmembers consider it, this lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States is pervasive throughout most of the membership, and particularly in the leadership of the several divergent cliques. . . "

If the Rockefeller family's CFR has a "lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States", to whom are we supposed to surrender?

Admiral Ward answers that the goal is the "submergence of U.S. sovereignty and national independence into an all-powerful one-world government". And, according to the Admiral, about 95 percent of the 1,600 members of the CFR are aware that this is the real purpose of the Council -- and support that goal!

The Council on Foreign Relations is the chief tool of the Money Trust in promoting World Government. The late James Warburg (CFR), scion of the international banking family which was principally responsible for the creation of the Federal Reserve System that controls our money, told a Senate Committee on February 17, 1950:

"We shall have world government whether or not you like it -- by conquest or consent."

Most Insiders, however, avoid using the term World Government because it frightens the geese; instead they use code phrases like "new international order" or "new world order". But Nelson Rockefeller spelled out quite clearly what the Insiders mean by "new world order" in this Associated Press report dated July 26, 1968:

"New York Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller says as president he would work toward international creation of a 'new world order' based on East-West cooperation instead of conflict. The republican presidential contender said he would begin a dialogue with Red China, if elected, to 'improve the possibilities of accommodations' with that country 'as well as the Soviet Union'."

During his trips to both Red China and U.S.S.R., again and again Mr. Nixon called upon the Communists to join him in a "New World Order". The constant repetition of that phrase by members of the CFR strains the possibility of coincidence.

Chapter Four

EXCERPTS:

But all of this was just the warm-up for the main event. In the early '60s, Congress approved legislation creating something called the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. A program of "general and complete disarmament" became the official policy of the United States.

The entire sequence is a fascinating illustration of how the Shadow Government achieves its aims. The first serious disarmament proposal was produced by the Council on Foreign Relations in 1959. The idea was then discussed at a Pugwash Conference, and, in September 1960, the soviets presented their own disarmament program.

One year later, in September 1961, the Kennedy Administration issued its disarmament proposal, in State Department Publication 7277, Freedom From War.

Now, here is the clincher: all four proposals -- from the CFR, the Pugwash Conference, the Soviets, and the State Department -- are virtually identical! For more details on this amazing "coincidence", see Chapter Eight of my previous book, The Rockefeller File."

DESTRUCTION THROUGH DETENTE

As America's Bicentennial year began, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger could (and undoubtedly did) take pride in the fact that, almost single-handedly, he had sewn together a new foreign policy for America. Secret deal by secret deal, detente had become a reality.

But within a few months, the entire fabric was in danger of being torn to shreds. There were violations and rumors of violations of the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks agreements; voices were heard loudly protesting that the United States was slipping (or may have already slipped) to number two in comparison with Soviet military strength; and other serious charges were aired.

In the face of mounting doubts and criticism that Kissinger's policies had been the best policies for America, President Ford tried to defuse discussion by simply dropping the word "detente" from the White House vocabulary. Henceforth, members of the Ford Administration were told, the password is "peace through strength".

Kissinger was not happy with the decision, but agreed to go along with the verbal gymnastics during an election year. After all, no one had suggested that the policies themselves be changed, merely the pet phrases used to describe them. (According to Time magazine, Kissinger complained that the move represented "a petty capitulation to right-wing critics" on the part of the President).

Detente has been the foundation of pax Kissingerae, the very cornerstone of the policy Henry Kissinger packaged and sold to Presidents Nixon and Ford. The word itself comes from the French and can mean either a "relaxation of tensions" or a "a trigger". It was the first explanation that was sold to a trusting American public.

We were told that: "The Cold War is over" and "The Communists have mellowed". Like small children, we were lectured, "It's time for a more mature relationship between countries". And above all, we were promised that detente would mean a give-and-take, a fair exchange, acceptable accommodation by both sides. In practice, detente turned out to be a one-way street benefiting only the Communists. Consider:

In 1968, when the first SALT talks were scheduled, the United States possessed 1,054 intercontinental ballistic missiles; the Soviets had only 850. By 1975, however, the Soviets had 1,618 long-range missiles deployed while we, in turn, still had 1,054. In other words, a five-to-four American advantage had changed to an eight-to-five Soviet superiority. And that's just the beginning.

During those same eight years, the Soviet armed forces had expanded from 1.8 million men to over 2.5 million. Meanwhile, the United States was scuttling the draft and downgrading its own armed services; the result was a drop to military forces from 940,000 men in uniform to less than 790,000.

On the high seas, the Soviets maintain a flotilla of 253 attack submarines, compared to 73 for the United States. They have more than twice as many supply ships as we do -- 2,358 to 1,009. And, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has estimated the Red lead in tactical aircraft at a ratio of nearly two-to-one.

The Soviet submarine fleet is larger than American, British, and French forces combined. Moreover, the Communists now have the world's largest submarines, Delta-class vessels one and one-half times longer that a football field; each one is equipped with twelve tubes for firing nuclear missiles. (The missiles, incidentally, have a range of some 4,000 miles. And with such subs now patrolling off our Atlantic, Pacific, and Gulf coasts, there is not a town in America that is not within range of Soviet nuclear missiles this very evening.)

Meanwhile, in this era of detente, other parts of our military arsenal are allowed to rust away. Prior to the advent of Henry the K, the U.S. could deploy 434 major combat ships. Today, that number has been cut almost in half, to only 253. Even more alarming, Congressman Les Aspin told his colleagues in the House on February 3, 1976 that because of poor maintenance, only thirty percent of U.S. Navy vessels can meet "the standard of full combat readiness". Moreover, the Congressman said, nearly half the Navy's 7,400 aircraft are unprepared and unequipped for hostile action.

While British authority Captain John Moore, in the book The Soviet Navy Today (published in January 1976), says that the Soviet Navy's firepower is "the most potent of any fleet that ever existed", the U.S. fleet is the smallest and weakest it has been at any time since 1939. Moore estimates that the United States is presently at least seven to eight years behind the Communists, and we are falling further behind every week.

The Red Navy dominates the North Sea, patrols the Arctic and the Antarctic, is "strongly present" in the Atlantic and Pacific, controls Sweden's sea outlets of Skagerrak and Kattegat, and is heavily and visibly present in the Mediterranean and Arabian Seas, the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and off both coasts of Africa.

The Soviets scored a major victory in 1975 without flexing a muscle, when Henry the Knife ordered the $6 billion anti-ballistic missile defense complex in North Dakota shut down. The ABM complex had been operational for only one month when it was decided, in the spirit of detente, that it could be scrapped.

Coming at a time when the Russians were improving and modernizing their own anti-ballistic missile system, the move left the United States with no protection against Soviet or chinese missiles. Super K has already been quoted as saying that Red China and the Soviet Union are no longer "revolutionary" states. As the Secretary sees it, the two Communist giants "no longer entertain ambitions to destroy the existing international order".

Soviet party chief Leonid Brezhnev has a slightly different perspective. He told a meeting of the Politburo in 1974:

"We Communists have got to string along with the capitalists for a while. We need their agriculture and their technology. But we are going to continue massive military programs. . . (soon) we will be in a position to return to a much more aggressive foreign policy designed to gain the upper-hand. . . "

We do not believe that the United States must match the Soviets man for man, tank for tank, or even ship for ship in order to protect itself. Today, technology is the equalizer that the Colt .45 was in the old West.

Possibly the ultimate equalizer, the one which could guarantee our safety, is the cruise missile. This nuclear warhead is small enough to be launched from almost anywhere, powerful enough to fly 2,000 miles or more, and accurate enough to strike within 100 feet of its target.

Now, here is the punch line: Henry Kissinger has offered to bargain away even this ultimate weapon at the SALT table!

Under the circumstances, it can come as no surprise that an analysis of our military preparedness, undertaken by the non-partisan Library of Congress, warns that the balance of military power is shifting strongly in favor of the Soviet Union. The report was prepared for the Senate Armed Services Committee. released to the public in February 1976, it states that unless current policies are reversed, the United States will have to reassess its position as a global power!

While the crippling of our military position by our detente-minded Secretary of State was becoming an open scandal in Washington, another shock wave hit the Capitol. In late February 1976, it was confirmed that previous estimates by the CIA of Soviet military expenditures were fifty percent too low.

At the beginning of this election year, world renowned nuclear physicist Edward Teller warned that the United States was already a clear second to the Soviet Union in military strength. "We would have no chance against Russia if there was a conflict now", he said. Dr. Teller added he believed it would take us ten years to surpass the Soviets even if present policies are changed.

By now you may be asking, what in God's name has happened during the past eight years? How did an eight-to-one American military superiority over the Communists vanish in less than a decade?

Detente's disastrous roots stretch back at least thirty years, to Yalta and similar post-World War II concessions to the Communists. Trying to explain why he had been so incredibly generous to Soviet strongman Stalin, a sick and war-weary Franklin D. Roosevelt told our Ambassador to Moscow, William C. Bullitt:

"I have a hunch that Stalin. . . does not want anything but security for his country, and I think that if I give him everything I possibly can and ask for nothing from him in return, he won't try to annex anything and he will work with me for a world of peace and harmony."

Roosevelt's wishful dream of "a world of peace and harmony" was forgotten during the Soviet conquest of Eastern Europe and the Communist chinese assault on Korea.

{NOTE: Historical books that have been suppressed from the public are replete with accounts of FDR's treasonous actions dealing with the U.S.S.R. That would belie a sentiment claiming he 'dreamed of a world of peace and harmony', other than the 'peace' sought by Zionist/Bolshevist Globalists: a world without resistance to their planned tyrannical World Government. - JP - transcriber}

But by the mid-1950s the peacemongers were setting up shop once again. One of the most important operations was something known as the Pugwash Conferences. Officially described as "Joint Conferences on Science and World Affairs" between Russian and American scientists and intellectuals, the first meeting took place in 1957 at the Pugwash, Nova Scotia home of the notorious Soviet apologist, Cyrus Eaton.

Since then, more than twenty "Pugwash Conferences" have been held, most of them outside the United States and all of them financed by the tax-exempt Rockefeller-CFR foundations. An active participant in those early meetings was Henry A. Kissinger.

The Pugwash Conferences did not push detente, but only because the word had not been coined back then. The pet phrase of the conferees was "disarmament". It was at these meetings that the framework for the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty was constructed.

Remember the first test Ban Treaty? The Soviets signed it and paid lip service to it for almost a year -- while they made secret preparations for the mightiest series of nuclear tests they had ever conducted. While most Americans were still in shock because of the Communists' blatant deceit, another test ban treaty was prepared in 1963. This one froze the advantages that the Soviets had gained by betraying the first one -- and guaranteed that the United States would not conduct additional nuclear tests.

Over vociferous protests from countless Americans, the United States signed the second Nuclear Test Ban Treaty as well. Professor Kissinger and his crowd were delighted.

One year later, in September 1961, the Kennedy Administration issued its disarmament proposal, in State Department Publication 7277, Freedom From War.

Now, here is the clincher: all four proposals -- from the CFR, the Pugwash Conference, the Soviets, and the State Department -- are virtually identical! For more details on this amazing "coincidence", see Chapter Eight of my previous book, The Rockefeller File.

The first Secretary of Defense to implement this policy was CFR member Robert S. McNamara, who held office from 1961 through 1968. During that time, he succeeded in reducing our nuclear striking force by fifty percent; scrapping three-quarters of our multi-megaton missiles and half of the Minuteman missiles; blocking development of the B-70 strategic bomber after it had proven its effectiveness; cancelling the Skybold, Pluto, Dynasoar, and Orion missile systems; and mothballing much of the sea and air fleets he inherited.

In fact, McNamara destroyed more operational U.S. strategic weapons than the Soviets could have destroyed in a full-scale nuclear attack!

{NOTE: It was also McNamara who recalled (three times) the fighter jets sent out from the USS. Saratoga to come to the aide of their brothers on the USS Liberty when they and it were attacked by the Israelis during the six-day war in 1967. Because of McNamara's orders 34 American sailors were killed; over 170 were injured and maimed; the ship was damaged beyond repair. - JP - transcriber}

All of these accomplishments would pale in comparison to what Henry the K would accomplish for the disarmament lobby during the next eight years, however. The intellectual with the heavy accent and even heavier connections had come a long way, baby, since those first Pugwash Conferences.

The Strategic Arms Limitations Talks, or SALT 1, were Henry's first big opportunity. Curiously, had it not been for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, the talks would have been over before he was in office. The first SALT conference was originally scheduled to be held in July 1968. When Soviet tanks rumbled into Czechoslovakia, however, to crush the "liberal spring" of Alexander Dubcek (only two weeks after Soviet officials had signed the Declaration of Bratislava, guaranteeing Czech independence!), it was decided to postpone the SALT meetings until November 1969.

Having gotten his big chance, Henry was not going to let anyone else interfere with his operation. At the SALT talks, Henry the K no longer was an understudy. Suddenly he had a starring role. And he was not about to let anyone else share the spotlight with him.

In his book Cold Dawn, the behind-the-scenes story of SALT, John Newhouse portrays Kissinger as secrecy obsessed, suspicious of his own staff, and constantly scheming to grasp more power and control over other positions and personnel. Ultimately, Henry the Knife would successfully emerge as the sole American architect of SALT.

Even such long-time and influential Liberals as Paul Nitze and Gerard Smith found it impossible to get along with fellow-CFR member Kissinger. Nitze, the senior delegate at earlier SALT conferences, had such serious disputes with Kissinger that he quit the delegations. Smith, head of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, had been the chief U.S. arms negotiator before Kissinger came along.

When Henry did not even consult with him during the last twenty days of negotiations -- preferring secret deals directly with the Soviets -- Smith blew his top. But in the end, it was Smith, not Kissinger, who was "retired" from his position. In short, at SALT it was Henry Kissinger, and no one else, who arranged America's terms. Just what kind of a deal did he endorse? In their exhaustive 800-page analysis, Kissinger on the Couch, authors Phyllis Schlafly and Chester Ward say that SALT 1 was incredibly slanted to favor the Soviets:

Every single key provision of both SALT agreements originated with Soviet strategic experts and planners in the Kremlin, was approved by Leonid Brezhnev and his closest associates in the Politburo, and was passed -- usually by Soviet Ambassador Anatoly. dobrynin --to Henry Kissinger, who then provided the rationalization for it and "sold" it to President Nixon.
Kissinger not only accepted Soviet dictation of all the key provisions of the agreements, but sold them to President Nixon and the nation by providing rationalizations he knew were misleading. That is to say, he was working with the Soviets and against the United States of America. He was deliberately and elaborately deceiving the American people, Congress, and probably the President with his cunning charade. . .
All the substantive provisions of both, SALT ! agreements were in fact dictated by the Kremlin and secretly accepted by Henry Kissinger without the participation of the U.S. SALT delegation.

Just how bad were the SALT agreements? Unless you are a paranoid masochist, with a secret lust to see this Republic destroyed, they are a disaster. The SALT 1 Treaty, which Henry the K so proudly exhibited, granted the Soviets a 41-percent superiority in land-based missiles, a 94-percent superiority in sea-based missiles, and a 50-percent superiority in submarines.

Senators Barry goldwater and John Tower joined other legislators in warning that the agreements guarantee the Communists a four-to-one advantage over the U.S. in missile payload capability; permit the Reds to continue building nuclear submarines while blocking us from doing the same; and, assure the Soviets of a three-to-two advantage in the number of missiles deployed.

General Bruce K. Holloway, former Commander-in-Chief of the Strategic Air Command, stated in 1971 that "The U.S.S.R. exceeds us in every offensive and defensive strategic weapon system, except missile submarines." This one slight advantage is rapidly disappearing, thanks to Secretary Kissinger.

Even though the SALT 1 accord was slanted in the Soviets' favor on every important point, apparently this was not enough for the Communists. For the signatures of the signers barely had time to dry before reports began leaking out of Washington that the Russians, once again, were cheating.

The only surprise would have been if the Communists had kept their word. Out of seventeen previous agreements with the U.S. relating to arms and defense, the Soviets have broken every single one.

The big story, however, was not that the Communists had violated yet another agreement -- such disparate sources as muckraking columnist Jack Anderson and the respected trade journal Aviation Week & Space Technology agreed on that -- but that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was deceiving the public, and perhaps even the President, about such violations.

Former chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt Jr., a vocal and persistent critic of detente, charged that Kissinger:
Withheld from the Congress at least five intelligence reports of possible Soviet violations;
Instructed intelligence officials to avoid any written statements that could be interpreted as suggesting the Communists had violated the agreements'
Deliberately misled then-Secretary of State William P. Rogers about the nature and extent of Soviet abuses of the SALT agreement;
Ordered the Voice of America to edit out of its Eastern European broadcasts anything unfavorable to the soviet Union;
Carried on secret discussions with soviet officials regarding "loopholes" in the present accords as well as plans for future disarmament measures;
Persuaded President Ford to claim that the Standing Consultative Group, established under the SALT 1 pact, would investigate any complaints of violations, although as chief negotiator of the agreement he knew that the group could do no such thing.

"The Soviets have violated the basic contracts, the attached protocols, the agreed interpretations, and the unilateral declarations", Zumwalt charged. "The U.S. has protested to the SCG. That group -- the President's answer notwithstanding -- is not an investigative or fact-finding body, nor can it form conclusions about violations. . . The evidence from the intelligence community is inarguable. . . the Soviets have lied to us."

According to the Admiral, it is not just the Soviets who deliberately distort the truth. In February 1976, the San Francisco Chronicle carried some major revelations by Zumwalt of conversations he had with Kissinger six years earlier. In notes he made at the time, Admiral Zumwalt wrote:

"K feels the U.S. has passed its historic high point like so many earlier civilizations. He believes the U.S. is on the downhill. . .
He states that his job is to persuade the Russians to give us the best deal we can get, recognizing that the historical forces favor them. He says that in the light of history, he will be recognized as one of those who negotiated terms favorable to the Soviets, but that the American people have only themselves to blame because they lack the stamina to stay the course against the Russians, who are Sparta to our Athens."

The Secretary of State branded Zumwalt's revelations as "contemptible falsehoods". The Admiral responded: "Kissinger's answer is just one more indication that liars lie."

If we score each year of the Kissinger Era as one round in the match between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., the total in this Bicentennial election year stands at East 8, West 0. In Germany, the 1970 treaties with Russia and Poland negotiated by Willi Brandt and the 1971 agreement on Berlin were clear victories for the Communists. In conferences involving Warsaw Pact and NATO forces, the Soviet bloc almost without exception has come out ahead. In terms of aid and trade, the Communists have made out like the bandits they are. And in discussions of arms limitations, as we have seen, pax Kissingerae has meant a clean sweep for the Communists.

Perhaps the Reds' clearest victory, at least psychologically, occurred in Helsinki, Finland in July 1975, when President Ford, on behalf of the United States, signed a document supposedly drafted by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, but actually prepared by Henry Kissinger and his soviet comrades.

The Helsinki Declaration is nothing less than a complete and shameful betrayal of Soviet-occupied Eastern Europe. It sanctions the rape of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the other Soviet satellites. It puts the U.S. stamp of approval on the Communist conquest of one-half of Europe.

Meanwhile, Dr. Kissinger has managed to eliminate any opposition within the Executive Branch to his plans for a New World Order. And he is not always very subtle about it. When Admiral Zumwalt was invited to appear on "Meet The Press" two years ago [1975], Kissinger (operating through Defense Secretary James Schlesinger) ordered the Admiral not to participate in the panel show.

When Zumwalt pointed out that he had retired from the government and was not subject to Dr. K.'s commands, Henry the Knife then threatened to have him court-martialed. A compromise was finally reached, permitting Zumwalt to appear as scheduled, so long as he promised not to discuss the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks.

Schlesinger himself did not last long enough at the Pentagon to gain any seniority. He was fired by President Ford in November 1975 because of "growing tensions" between himself and the Secretary of State. A few days later, Kissinger's satisfied smirk must have spread when he learned that Lt. Gen. Daniel O. Graham, Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, had also submitted his resignation.

While neither Schlesinger or Graham could be described as hard-nosed conservatives, both men had expressed serious reservations about detente, and both men were openly alarmed about the Soviets' massive military build-up. But apparently the watchword in Washington is, "You don't have to agree with everything Super K does; just don't disagree with anything!"

Meanwhile, the Soviets continue to increase their military posture at a furious pace. Malcolm R. currie, a director of research for the Defense Department, told a Senate Committee in February 1976 that the Communists have launched "a large and determined effort, and the Soviets are inexorably increasing their level of technology. . . "

Currie cited the following Soviet gains during the past year:

Rapid progress in high-accuracy guidance for new intercontinental ballistic missiles;
Intensive research in an anti-ballistic missile program;
New developments in underseas surveillance and strategic air defense systems;
An aggressive space program that saw the Russians launch eight times more military spacecraft in 1975 than the United States did;
Development of two new kinds of satellites for ocean surveillance, "possibly to provide targeting information for attack submarines and guided-missile ships".

In other words, while the United States has stood still (and in some areas has slipped backwards), the Soviets have been aggressively moving forward. The situation has become so critical that the normally restrained writing team of Admiral Chester Ward and Phyllis Schlafly have accused Henry Kissinger of making "the entire population of the United States hostages to the Kremlin".

Unless our egotistical and surrender-prone Secretary of State is stopped, they warn, "We will have been set up for mass murder on a scale never before witnessed in the history of the world."

Although we certainly do not question the facts that Admiral Ward and Mrs. Schlafly have assembled, we do not share their conclusions. While it is possible that Henry the K is setting us up for nuclear annihilation, we think it is far more probable that the real purpose is not nuclear bombs, but nuclear blackmail.

Why is the United States being disarmed? The answer, we believe, is that the way is being prepared for a New World Order ultimatum. It will be hailed as "the best deal we can get" by Kissinger and the network media boys -- who have remained deaf, dumb, and blind while the situation was being set up. The Communists are working hand-in-hand with internationalists in our own country.

When the former are strong enough, thanks to Henry K, the latter (led, not so coincidentally, by Henry K) will insist we must scrap our national sovereignty and merge into a One World Government.

The entire scenario is in keeping with a statement made to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee more than twenty-five years ago by international banker and CFR potentate James Warburg. He said, "We will have world government whether or not you like it -- by conquest or consent."

The Shadow Government has been working for just such a conclusion to American independence for many years. It would not be accurate to blame Henry Kissinger for creating all of these policies; he has simply been the master architect in finalizing the destruction of our defensive capability. He is the undisputed champion of creating, crafting and selling the disarmament of the United States in what he believes will be the final period of our independence.

But disarming the United States is only half of the plot. Just as significant, and even less publicized, is the lengthy history of Western aid to the Soviet Union, which began almost as soon as the Bolsheviks seized power. It is not the purpose of this volume to substantiate how the West, particularly the United States, literally has created the industrial-military complex of the Soviet Union.

The fascinating, almost unbelievable saga has been chronicled elsewhere. (See "Building the Big Red Machine" in the author's previous book, The Rockefeller File, as well as the series of important studies on this subject by Professor Antony C. Sutton.)

The point was driven home with cruel irony during the Vietnam War, when the Soviet bloc provided 80 percent of the war materials for North Vietnam -- materials that were used against Americans and South Vietnamese in the field at the very time American supplies were being unloaded at Soviet ports and the U.S. was helping construct the largest truck-building complex in the world in Russia!

Thousands of items with strategic applications were cleared for shipment to the Communists while U.S. credits, subsidized by taxpayers, financed the purchases.

The Soviet Union, in the era of detente as before, has needed Western technology and Western foodstuffs to survive. It has been getting both, largely through the ingenious method of having the U.S. taxpayers finance the long-term, low-interest loans necessary so the Russians could purchase such goods.

The Export-Import Bank (ExIM) has loaned the Soviets hundreds of millions of dollars and Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia has warned, "It appears that loans in the billions are in the works".

While Americans must pay ten percent, twelve percent, or more for loans, ExIm lends the Reds money at six percent interest. The banks handling the deals, and the businessmen selling the goods, make a windfall, but it is the American citizens ultimately who pay the cost. The industrialization of Communist Russia has, in no small part, been financed by U.S. taxpayers precisely in this fashion.

The fact that the Soviet Union exceeds the U.S. in steel output is in no small part due to the investments there by U.s. and other Free World firms. The largest iron and steel plant in the world was built in the U.S.S.R. by the American-based McKee Corporation. The Soviet Union is now the world's major producer of oil, due to the development of the Russian oil and gas potential by Western, primarily American, interests.

During the past three years, while Soviet-supplied forces were completing their conquest of Southeast Asia, the United States was building the largest truck factory in the world -- on the Kama River in Russia. During the same time we were financing, building and equipping the largest tanker shipyard in the world. . . on the Black Sea; the largest fertilizer complex in the world. . . on the Volga River; and a very large chemical plant -- at Severondenetz.

In April 1975 the Ford Administration actually licensed the sale to the Soviet Union of eleven advanced-design giant IBM computers. Within days of this deal, it was announced that a bank consortium (made up of the cream of CFR-connected wheelers and dealers) was lending the Soviet Union $250 million "with no strings attached to the loan".

And that very same day, Bank of America announced it had another syndicate ready to lend the U.S.S.R. $500 million. Do you begin to detect a pattern in all of this?

Secretary of State Kissinger acknowledged the obvious last year when he said that "the Soviet Union is much more interested in credits than in trade, because for the next five years Russia will have little to give in reciprocal trade".

What Henry didn't way was that, given past performances, the Soviet Union had everything to gain and nothing to lose by such deals. After all, it was detente-minded boys in the State Department who earlier had agreed to allow the Soviets to pay off an $11 billion World War II Lend-Lease debt for a mere $722 million, or seven cents on the dollar. True to form, the Communists paid only $32 million, then reneged on the rest.

Admiral Elmo zumwalt has described the situation in this hardly flattering but frankly accurate passage:

"The Soviets see the United States right now as a great placid bovine chewing its cud in the sun and with two huge udders extended to them, one labeled grain and the other labeled technology. It stands there letting itself be milked dry, twitching its tail contentedly, too lazy and too placid to notice."

Of the myriad deals Herr Kissinger has arranged for his Soviet friends in the past eight years, only one almost became a public scandal. It wasn't all that more important than the Secretary's other pacts and promises, it was just a lot more obvious.

We're referring, of course, to the "great grain robbery" of 1972. It was a performance that made the Brink's robbery seem like a kindergarten heist of four marbles and one slightly licked lollipop.

Before most Americans knew what was happening, the Soviets had purchased a whopping twenty-five percent of the U.S. wheat crop at bargain-basement prices. The sale created a wheat shortage in the United States, with the result that bread prices suddenly shot through the ceiling. But that was just part of the story. We financed the loan, so the Soviets could make the purchase, and we also subsidized the freight to get the grain to them.

Kissinger followed up this Soviet success with a five-year agreement, signed in October 1975, which entitles the Soviets to buy a minimum of six million metric tons of U.S. grain annually, beginning with the 1976 crop year. It is a "swap deal" -- we are supposed to keep the usually empty Soviet larder stocked, while in return the Soviets will sell us ten million metric tons of oil and oil products each year.

Part of the deal allows the Russians to buy up to seven million more tons of U.S. grain before the five-year agreement takes effect in the fall of 1976. Oren Staley, President of the national Farmers Organization, called the deal an "outrageous interference with American farmers' free markets." Staley said the agreement represented "government dictatorship with a vengeance" and added that American farmers have been "lied to, betrayed and sold down the river".

While russia was placing orders for American wheat, American corn, and American rice, food prices in the U.S. were rising 29 percent in two years. Under the circumstances, it was indeed strange to see Kissinger and his cronies begging the Communists to cart away American grain.

But the madness of detente did not stop there. By 1975 it reached such ridiculous extremes as the U.S. government authorizing a private American firm to sell two sets of plans for a sophisticated new cargo ship to the Soviets for $500,000 each -- after the Defense Department had invested $57.5 million in the project. And on and on it goes.

Our Kissinger-arranged deals with Red China are cut from the same cloth as our "trade" with the Soviet bloc; we have made numerous concessions and have asked for none in return.

What does the building of the Big Red Machine in the Soviet Union and Red China mean? Constructing some of the world's largest factories for the Soviet Union, and shipping them the most sophisticated U.S. technology and equipment, has many implications.

Professor Antony Sutton, the worlds' foremost expert on the use of Western technology to develop the Soviet Union, has written an entire book on this subject under the provocative but very deliberate title, National Suicide.

The military potential of the industrial plants which we are building for the Soviets should be obvious to anyone. Trucks, aircraft, oil, steel, petro-chemicals, aluminum, computers -- these are the very sinews of a military-industrial complex. These factories, the product of American genius and financed by American capital, could have been built in the United States. Instead, they are constructed at U.S. taxpayers' expense in the Soviet Union -- a nation whose masters still keep millions in concentration camps and who have sworn to bury us.

Another important thing to remember is the strong possibility that Russian factories using American capital and American technology will, with Soviet slave labor, produce goods which will undersell those produced by American labor in world markets. Just as many thousands of Americans have already lost their jobs to foreign labor working in European and Asian factories constructed with American foreign aid.

This point has not been lost on AFL-CIO chieftain George Meany, who succinctly summed up his feelings about the continuing giveaway of grain, technology, defense, secrets, and jobs:

"We don't want any part of it. We're not interested in seeing cheap goods made by Soviet slave labor pour into this country. We are not interested in seeing American workers displaced by slave labor."

Testifying at a Congressional hearing on detente, Meany also assailed the Export-Import Bank for its giveaway credit rates:

"What American can get a loan at six percent? This isn't trade. This is a welfare program for Russia."

But as important as jobs are, there is even a more important aspect to our aid to the Communists. At stake is the very survival of our freedom and independence.

Professor Sutton has assembled an abundance of evidence which nobody has even attempted to refute. First, he has shown that Communism is a stagnant system incapable of innovation or high productivity. Its survival, even a a subsistence level for its captives, has required regular transfusions of capital and technology. Without aid from the West, the Soviet Union would have long since collapsed.

The Soviet Union was first saved by Herbert Hoover with food. Next came Lenin's New Economic Plan, which let the super-capitalists back into Russia. This was followed by FDR's diplomatic recognition of Russia, which allowed the Soviets to obtain desperately needed credits. World War II turned on the $11billion Lend-Lease spigot.

Following the war, Russia was allowed to denude much of Germany of factories and scientists. During the Kennedy Administration we started providing wheat for hungry Soviet factory workers During the Vietnam War, America shipped vital supplies to the East European bloc, which was providing North Vietnam with the war equipment to kill our own soldiers. Now we are supplying the world's largest truck factory, extremely sophisticated computers, and a cornucopia of other manufacturing technology.

To cap this incredible recitation, the Wall Street Journal of April 15, 1975, headlined: "U.S. Quietly Allows Uranium Shipments to Soviet Union for Processing Into Fuel." Is that unbelievable?

Perhaps the most eloquent opponent of detente is the exiled Soviet author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. He has asked:

"What does the spirit of Helsinki and the spirit of detente mean for us within the Soviet Union? The strengthening of totalitarianism. What seems to you to be a milder atmosphere is for us the strengthening of totalitarianism."

And he adds:

"You think that this a a respite, but it is an imaginary respite. It's a respite before destruction. As for us, we have no respite at all. We're being strangled even more, with greater determination. . . "

Solzhenitsyn visited the United States in 1975. He was here at the very time of the Soviet-American joint space flight and the "handshake in space". His every word, both spoken and written, his very presence branded as a lie the Kissinger-Rockefeller-CFR policies. A man who could testify from first-hand experience in the Gulag Archipelago that Communism was not mellowing was a distinct embarrassment to the Washington Establishment.

Secretary Kissinger advised President Ford that Solzhenitsyn's views endangered the stable relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. Henry the K -- who had smilingly shaken hands with the most vicious tyrants and bloodiest murderers in history -- refused to meet the Nobel Laureate. Henry the Knife advised the President not to meet with him, either, so the White House snubbed this distinguished champion of freedom.

The Kissinger-Ford team ignored a man who supports traditional American principles, for the sake of some "allies" who have sworn they will bury us.

And once again we must ask, whose side is Henry on, anyway?

Chapter Five

EXCERPTS:

There may, of course, be an even more sinister reason for the Red China gambit. It is the reason which underlies so much of the frenetic surface activity of the Shadow Government: control of the world's energy resources<